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Community Reinvestment Act and
ATM fee limits
By Lynda
Edwards Bankrate.com
Betty arrived with her two kids in tow at a Miami
battered women's shelter with an unusual problem -- more unusual
than her spouse's habit of beating the family pets to death in front
of their children.
Her husband had vowed to use friends in Miami's
courts -- judges, district attorneys, policemen -- to track her
down and kill her. He was a social worker counseling men court-ordered
into group therapy for beating their wives.
A "code of silence"
"Some of his colleagues guessed that he beat me because the
bruises and scars were obvious," Betty says. "But there's
a code of silence in all professions, I think, where the well-connected
look out for their own."
Several banks refused to loan her money to rent,
much less buy, a home of her own because, she explained, "They
figured I'd be dead before I could pay off the loan on my salary."
But one credit union arranged a mortgage through
the Community Development Financial Institution Fund. The fund gives
loans to borrowers most lenders see as terrible risks. Betty and
her children now live in what she calls "a fairy-tale cottage,"
a bungalow shaded by purple ivy and scarlet roses on a strip lined
with bail bondsmen and car lots guarded by Dobermans, hundreds of
miles away from her ex.
The happy ending to her dramatic flight is a
footnote in the stacks of fall 1997 Senate Banking Committee testimony.
Re-authorizing the fund is one of several key consumer issues the
committee will debate this month. A new chairman, Sen. Phil Gramm,
R-Texas, will oversee the committee.
Gramm's flip-flops
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Gramm
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For both consumer activists and banking lobbyists,
the Senator is an unpredictable issue. He taught a course at Texas
A&M University in the 1970s at the cusp of his political career,
and print copies of his lectures make Gramm sound like a populist
champion. He assailed tax breaks to multi-million dollar banks as
"corporate welfare" and preached the virtues of small
S&Ls.
But when S&Ls crashed in the late '80s,
his support for one bankrupt Texas S&L owner came under scrutiny
by the Senate Ethics Committee. In 1990, Gramm was accused of accepting
$54,000 of free construction work on his vacation home house from
the S&L owner. Gramm conceded that he had advised the man on
how to deal with the federal regulators and examiners swarming over
the thrift's records. He denied formally intervening with regulators
on the man's behalf. The Senate decided no sweetheart deal occurred.
During the past decade Gramm has been one of
the Senate's top three recipients of campaign contributions from
banks ($320,910 so far), according to a Common Cause study. Outgoing
Banking Committee Chair Alfonse D'Amato, R-N.Y. (got $504,073),
and Richard Shelby, R-Ala. (got $418,771), are No. 1 and No. 2.
Still, Gramm and Shelby infuriated the banking industry last fall
by blocking passage of a financial reform bill that would allow
banks, brokerage firms and insurance companies to offer the same
services.
A
modernization bill
That reform bill has been reintroduced in the new Congress
as HR 10, commonly known as "The Financial Modernization Bill."
It seeks to change laws drafted after thousands of uninsured banks
failed during the Great Depression because they invested wildly
in a booming stock market that crashed in 1929. Bank customers lost
their life savings. The disaster prompted strict laws that still
separate the dealings of banks, securities firms and insurance companies.
Currently, a bank subsidiary can sell securities
as long as they don't total more than 25 percent of the subsidiary's
revenue. Now, mega-banks such as Citigroup say that, in order to
become a global market force, they must sell stocks and insurance
and manage customer portfolios just like European banks. Getting
rid of government restrictions would send bank stocks soaring, which
is great news for shareholders.
Critics of the bill say it sounds a lot like
the legislation that allowed the savings-and-loan industry to make
risky investments that ended in a huge crash in 1987. American taxpayers
still are paying for the $100 billion bailout of the failed S&Ls.
"Latin American and Asian banks thought
they were making investors rich by getting rid of governmental regulation
and playing the global market," consumer advocate Ralph Nader
notes. "Does anyone think their results are a success?"
His watchdog group, Public Citizen, believes deregulating mergers
of banks, investment houses and insurance companies is a hazard.
If mergers create financial institutions so huge and they can fatally
wound the economy in a failure, the government will have to bail
them out.
Accusations of extortion
The opposition last fall from Gramm and Shelby to the modernization
bill came when the two men wanted to add language curtailing the
Community Reinvestment Act. The 1977 law requires banks to invest
a percentage of profits in low-cost loans and mortgages to needy
consumers, as well as support community development. Gramm denounced
this as "extortion," claiming activists intimidate banks
by threatening their CRA grades.
"Let this evil, CRA, like slavery in the
pre-Civil War era, exist where it must but do not expand it,"
he railed on the Senate floor. Bankers told the press Gramm's attack
bewildered them since a CRA passing grade is a very low bar to reach.
In the past 18 months, only 14 of the 5,925 banks examined were
graded as "non-compliant with CRA." The Clinton White
House issued an October 1998 press release vowing to veto any financial
reform bill attacking the Act.
Gramm told Brian Lamb on C-SPAN this month that
he supports the financial modernization bill but remains adamant
that the CRA provision must be rewritten to decrease the act's scope
and enforcement. Lamb observed that the nation's most powerful bankers
were on the record stating that the CRA provision was fine with
them, and read Gramm their quotes from newspapers.
"They're not being honest," Gramm
replied. "Shopkeepers getting a Mafia shakedown don't complain
publicly either."
Bills
before Congress
While the modernization bill probably is the biggest consumer banking
issue before the new Congress, several others are up for consideration.
Here are a few that will have an impact on Americans as taxpayers
and consumers:
- Risky Lending: The Banking Committee's
February agenda includes a review of how federal regulators examine
banks and thrifts to ensure they are properly evaluating the risks
involved when banks lend to institutions trading financial derivatives.
- Home Loan Bank System: The system
was created in 1932 to supply thrifts with a steady source of
mortgage money. Critics worry that the 12 banks comprising the
system spend too much time investing in securities for its shareholders
instead of helping thrift customers. The House Banking Committee
issued a press release promising to tackle the problem even if
every camera in Washington is still trained on the impeachment
hearings.
- HR 1367, also known as the "Internet
Privacy Bill": This would prohibit federal agencies from
making an individual's confidential records available through
the Internet. Language included makes the bill applicable to federally
insured financial institutions.
- HR 3060, amendment to The Consumer Credit
Protection Act: This would end misleading leasing and layaway
practices, contracts, and advertisements by lenders. For example,
the act would require "lease-to-own" contracts to state
exactly how much an item costs after a year of leasing payments
compared with its current market price. Since leasing often contains
hidden fees such as interest and insurance, consumers would see
in cold, hard print how bad a deal they might be getting.
No ATM
legislation
While all those aspects of banking are being threshed out, there's
one big consumer concern the Banking Committee won't be tackling
-- ATM fees.
Former Banking Committee Chairman D'Amato made
a campaign promise to stop banks from charging fees to customers
for using off-premises ATMs. But D'Amato lost to Democratic Representative
Charles Schumer in the 1998 mid-term elections..
Afterward, Gramm quoted the Munchkinland Coroner
from The Wizard of Oz when he told a University of
Texas audience: "That ATM proposal is not just merely dead,
it's really, sincerely dead."
-- Posted: Jan. 15, 1999
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